What Happened After Queen Elizabeth 1 Died
What Happened After Queen Elizabeth 1 Died
| | You will detect beneath a selection of resources for the report of the reigns of Elizabeth and James, including websites, manufactures, book reviews, sample capacity and a bibliography. | Stance 'Elizabeth' at the National Maritime Museum | ||
| Paradigm © National Maritime Museum, London 'Elizabeth': an exhibition at the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich It is maybe piece of cake to forget that many of the central dramas of the Tudor dynasty were non played out within the heart of London, as we sometimes tend to assume, merely in the palaces which surrounded the city – at Richmond, Windsor Castle, Hampton Court or at Greenwich. The fact that so many important events took place in Greenwich Palace makes it an appropriate setting for an exhibition nearly Elizabeth I, and 1 which by its very location requires some kind of imaginative response, trying to envision the Tudor brick-congenital riverside palace that no longer remains. Henry VIII, Mary I and Elizabeth I were all born at that place. Edward VI died there. Anne Boleyn was arrested on charges of treasonous adultery afterward a tournament held there in 1536; over fifty years later information technology was in that location that her girl finally signed the death warrant for Mary, Queen of Scots. The very location of the exhibition compels y'all to envisage the Tudor palace that lay beside the river. As this exhibition makes clear, however, information technology has to be remembered that Elizabeth's birth at Greenwich, in September 1533, was to the dismay of her parents and the consternation of the regime of the time. Henry VIII had moved sky and earth to annul his first union to Katherine of Aragon, and marry Anne Boleyn, and both his personal convictions and the regal propaganda of the time seemed to rest on the balls that he was hereby doing the will of God. Both parents had firmly believed that God would bless their cause by sending the long-awaited son and heir. The arrival of a princess was a blow to purple confidence, to the new royal marriage, and to the still very shaky infrastructure of an English Church independent of the papacy. Ane of the most poignant exhibits in this exhibition is the letter of the alphabet from Anne Boleyn to Lord Cobham, announcing the new arrival, which had been prepared earlier the actual birth. The announcement of God's mercy and grace 'in the deliverance and bringing along of a Prince', has been hastily contradistinct, with the addition of an 's', to brand the prince into a princess. This 1 small detail suggests the caste of confidence with which a son was expected, and commensurately, the scale of the disappointment which must have followed. From this unfortunate showtime, the exhibition traces Elizabeth'due south difficult youth through the reigns of father, brother and sister, and manages to submerge the rather tired familiar story of her tempestuous childhood and adolescence in the remarkable details of the events and personalities of this fourth dimension. From the point of her accession, the exhibition branches out, moving from her family history, individual tribulations and convictions, to her public life at court, the iconography of her queenship, the questions of organized religion, marriage and foreign policy, the problems of succession and the difficulties of her final years. The rationale of the exhibition was to concentrate on Elizabeth herself rather than on the Elizabethan age in full general, but the scope of the exhibits is broad. One specially apposite emphasis is the importance of merchandise and exploration – it was from Greenwich that Elizabeth bade good day to Martin Frobisher, sailing off in search of the N-West Passage. Thus the wider implications of Elizabeth'south reign are included alongside the more personal details. This exhibition brings together a fabulous pick of portraits, manuscripts and artefacts, and undoubtedly should be seen by anybody with even a slight interest in Tudor history. Some of the images will be familiar, but most are not, and even the portraits well-known from book illustrations accept on a new glow when seen in the original. The private side of Elizabeth emerges in objects such as the locket ring which opens to evidence portraits of Elizabeth and Anne Boleyn, side past side, but which airtight gives no indication of the hidden, and perhaps painful, family link information technology depicts. The volume of Katherine Parr'southward prayers, translated by the immature princess into Latin, French and Italian as a New Yr's gift to her father in 1546, demonstrates her scholarship, simply also suggests her need to conciliate her father – the preface reiterates several times the bond betwixt them – as well as perhaps hinting at the personal piety which continues to evade like shooting fish in a barrel categorization. At the other terminate of the scale we come across the maps which betoken the mental world of the time: the commercial atlas in which Cecil scribbled notes concerning recent explorations, and details of how to address strange rulers correctly; the pair of angelic and temporal globes which map out both globe and skies as they were perceived in the fifteen-nineties. In this department the existing Elizabethan collection of the National Maritime Museum finds a perfect setting, and books, maps, charts and scientific instruments all testify to the extraordinary achievements of the Elizabethan seafarers. This had a human side likewise: the gorgeous Drake Locket Jewel, reportedly presented past the queen when she knighted Drake in 1581, was to appear as a precious heirloom in a portrait of one of his descendants in 1884. This echoes the advent of more straightforwardly religious heirlooms in the exhibition, the possessions of Mary, Queen of Scots, lent by the descendants of the recusant families of the time who, in defiance of the authorities, treasured them as relics, and passed them downwards to future generations. The iconography of Elizabeth is perhaps more well-known, only still fascinating, and thankfully there are more measured claims made hither for its significance than sometimes announced. The splendour of some of the portraits contrasts well with some of the more homely artefacts of life at court; the slightly crude stove-tile with the royal cipher, and the sturdy candle-sconce which bears the royal glaze of arms. The reappearance of these purple arms in a painted triptych from a Suffolk parish church reinforces how the Elizabethan religious settlement, whatever its doctrinal ambiguities, sought to replace traditional religious imagery with more politicized royal emblems. In this, at to the lowest degree, Elizabeth seems to have followed her father'southward atomic number 82. The doors of this triptych, when closed, reveal a selection of biblical texts denouncing the use of religious images, showing the close accommodation possible betwixt royal propaganda and puritan convictions. This is one attribute of Elizabeth's regime which could perhaps have been more clearly conveyed; the iconographic platonic of the queen has long since taken on a secular life of its own in the pop imagination, and it could have been more strongly emphasized how large a part of this emerged initially from the Protestant mythology of the reign. It is a slight surprise to find the Elizabethan 'via media' in religion and then calmly asserted by the exhibition, given that information technology is still a debatable assessment of Elizabeth'due south ain views, and definitely does not fully reverberate the state of the Elizabethan Church of the time. It is the subsequently development of Elizabeth's reputation that is responsible here, and although this is dealt with in the catalogue (Elizabeth, ed. Susan Doran (London: Chatto & Windus and the National Maritime Museum, 2003)), information technology could have been called into question more vigorously by the exhibition itself. The fact that this exhibition is being used, we are told, equally the basis for a study in contemporary leadership and business skills, founded on the premise that Elizabeth inherited a 'business in ruins' and turned England into 'the richest and about powerful nation in Europe', does pose some interesting questions well-nigh the relationship between historical truth and historical hype. Equally, the recurring references to how Elizabeth laid the foundations for 'the world'southward greatest Empire' give some cause for anxiety. No doubt the problem with whatever exhibition these days is how to marry the views of the historical experts with the views of those responsible for marketing and public relations. It seems a shame, however, that this wonderful exhibition should take to delve at all into such facile distortions. The video introduction also strikes a sour note, harping on a kind of Cinderella story, in which we marvel at Elizabeth's progress from 'vulnerable teenager' to arguably England's 'greatest leader'. The truth of Elizabeth's story is in itself spectacular and fascinating plenty, as this exhibition more than amply demonstrates. It should not have to sentimentalize, or dramatize what is already and then obviously extraordinary. Yet the overall impression drawn from this exhibition is, in the end, ane of bully subtlety, and the exhibition for the nearly part does full justice to the complexities and ambiguities of Elizabeth's reign. Information technology does not patronize the full general public with besides much over-simplification, and assumes, reasonably plenty, that anyone whose imagination is fired past these exhibits might well be prepared to recall more deeply nigh them. The inclusion of transcripts of key documents in the exhibition brochure is a good indication of this, and the whole is supported by the superb catalogue which accompanies the exhibition, edited by Susan Doran. This has essays by a range of Elizabethan experts, which manage to be clear and curtailed plenty for the not-specialist without losing any of the historical depth – it besides has an assortment of cute illustrations, meticulously referenced and explained. At that place is, fortunately, likewise broad and varied an array of historical evidence here to let glib generalization eclipse historical veracity, and the letters conveyed by this exhibition manage on the whole to be informative without being dogmatic or sensationalist. Given the enormity of the claiming posed by Elizabeth's reputation, this is an impressive achievement. The exhibition runs until fourteen September 2003 at the National Maritime Museum: for more than details, please meet www.nmm.ac.united kingdom Lucy Wooding, Rex'due south College London Conrad Russell's James Half dozen and I and rule over two kingdoms: an English view first appeared in Der Herrscher in der Doppelpflicht: Europäische Fürsten und ihre Beiden Throne, ed. H. Duchhardt (Mainz, 1997), pp. 123-37, and is reproduced in English for the beginning time in the IHR'south periodical Historical Enquiry. The article compares English language and Scottish responses to the union of the crowns in 1603 post-obit the accession of James VI and I, examining the reluctance of the English language to rethink their ideas on sovereignty, and the bug inherent in an 'imperfect spousal relationship'. Click here for more than data about the journal, including a listing of forthcoming articles | 'The translation of a monarchy': The Accession of James VI and I, 1601-1603 In June 1603, just after the accession of James I, the Venetian ambassador in London was chatting to Lord Kinloss, a Scottish nobleman and royal confidant. Kinloss mentioned the anxieties the king endured earlier coming to the English throne, but added 'by a Divine miracle all has gone well'. James himself was convinced that his safe arrival on the throne formerly occupied by Queen Elizabeth was literally God-designed, in order to bring the ii realms of England and Scotland closer together. However, for all the talk about miracles, the reality was more prosaic. In the early hours of 24 March 1603, Elizabeth I died at Richmond. The 'Virgin Queen' made no explicit provision for an heir, fearing that she might encourage faction within her kingdom. Yet James VI of Scotland was smoothly proclaimed as the new king. There was no opposition, but every bit no firsthand celebration. The London diarist John Manningham slyly noted that the announcement was met with 'silent joye, noe slap-up shouting', although there were bonfires and bong-ringing that evening equally the announcement sank in. Three days afterwards in Edinburgh, the king himself received the news with exultation. James was Elizabeth's nearest majestic relative; both were directly descendants of Henry Vii, the first Tudor male monarch. Yet in English law James's claim was uncertain. Since 1351, foreigners were forbidden to inherit English lands, which might block James from inheriting the Crown and its estates. The parliamentary succession statute of 1544 mentioned no heir afterward Elizabeth and her children (if any), while the 1547 will of Henry VIII debarred his Scottish relatives from the throne. More recently a statute of 1585 insisted that if any claimants should conspire confronting Elizabeth, all their legal rights were forfeited. Mary Queen of Scots had been executed in 1587 for her interest in Catholic assassination plots against Elizabeth. As Mary'southward son and potential beneficiary of her actions, was James compromised? The king had a cousin, Lady Arbella Stuart, another Scottish descendant of Henry VII simply English-built-in. Exempt from the 1351 aliens statute, Arbella might be a serious contender. The wild card was the Infanta Isabella, daughter of Philip II of Espana and married to her cousin the Archduke Albert, with whom, after 1599, she ruled over Spanish Flemish region. In Fleet year, 1588, Philip proclaimed that his girl'south descent from Edward III made her the rightful queen of England. Isabella was dangerously close at hand in Brussels, and James was agitated by the possibility that she might re-assert that 1588 merits and urge English Catholics to rise and support her. However, James had the great advantage of existence a proven monarch. Emerging from his long minority, he steadily gained control over both the Scottish kirk and the nobility. His flexible just tenacious pursuit of his aims revitalised Scottish kingship. As Edinburgh steadily extended effective authorities into the distant Highlands and Western Islands, James enjoyed a rising reputation in Europe. Amidst the Englishmen turning northward as Elizabeth aged was the immature earl of Essex, after 1589 her favourite, who secretly committed himself to James. By 1601, however, Essex had lost Elizabeth's favour and later on a chaotic revolt in London he was tried and executed. This was a blow to the male monarch's hopes. Essex was popular, and as a privy councillor he was an ideal informant on English policy. At present James had to start again, rebuilding his party of supporters at the English court. James was already showing signs of frustration every bit Elizabeth remained obdurately silent on the succession. Consumed by his ambition to succeed her, he was angered at being treated with condescension as a beginner in the arts of kingship. He even asked his Scottish subjects to sign a General Ring (bail) for the maintenance of his title to England, though without prejudice to the rights of Elizabeth in her lifetime. However, in June 1600 the Scottish estates ridiculed any suggestion of taking the English language throne by force. Then, in August 1600, the king was embroiled in the Gowrie plot, when an attempt was apparently made against his life. This murky episode seemed to signal to rising tensions between James and his leading nobles that might revive political instability. Between 1601 and 1603, Elizabeth continued her almanac routine of a short summertime progress and Christmas revels. She was threescore-nine on 7 September 1602. A play was performed before her at court in March 1603; in London the theatre was flourishing as never earlier. So she began to sink, refusing food and finally taking to her bed. John Manningham learned from 1 of her chaplains that her expiry was 'mildly like a lambe, hands like a ripe apple from the tree'. Meanwhile her privy council was taking every precaution to ensure stability. Cecil prudently prepared the proclamation announcing the transfer of the Crown and sent it north for the rex's approval. His elderberry half-blood brother Thomas Cecil was lord president of the quango in the due north, a key post facilitating contacts with Edinburgh. The ports were closed, and extra watchmen reinforced by local householders patrolled throughout London. Leading Catholics were kept under surveillance, every bit was Lady Arbella Stuart, in semi-captivity at Hardwick Hall in Derbyshire. There was no problem at habitation and no sign of whatever foreign forces supporting the archduchess. Neither the unmarried Arbella nor the childless Isabella enjoyed much support. Afterwards xl years of spinster rule, a male monarch offered a welcome return to normality. James was a married man with children - two boys and a girl - and his immature family promised longterm dynastic stability. On 27 March 1603 Male monarch James wrote to Cecil praising him and his fellow-councillors for their care in overseeing what he described as an unprecedented event, 'the translation of a monarchy'. On five April he left Edinburgh, optimistically assuring his people that he would render in three years, and typically borrowing x,000 Scottish merks for his travel expenses. He crossed the edge at Berwick and connected south to York, where he delighted the crowd past walking through the streets to the Minster for the Easter service. The ride due south became a triumphant progress, with James feasting and indulging his passion for hunting. He idea he was witnessing an outpouring of spontaneous affection, but the overwhelming public emotion was relief at the peaceful succession, mixed with natural curiosity. James also wanted to introduce his ideas on kingship to his English subjects. His Basilicon Doron, 'the king's volume' of communication for his son, was promptly reprinted in London with a new royal preface. The publication was well-nigh certainly organised by Cecil. It signalled that the rex was a keen writer; a alluvion of political and theological works was to follow. The speed and ease of the unchallenged transition aroused some astonishment. Fifty-fifty Cecil confessed that information technology had gone better than he expected. 'Nosotros are at present so strangely and unexpectedly fabricated the spectacle of happiness and felicity' he mused to the English ambassador in Paris. Sir George Carew, a midlands landowner, reported that 'all men are exceedingly satisfied and praise God who of his goodness hath so miraculously provided for usa'. Did Cecil smile to himself? Secretly, the secretary had taken considerable risks and devoted much time and effort to containing what might take been a major succession crisis. Once the strongest candidate for the English throne, James VI, had clandestinely joined forces with the most influential English privy councillor, Robert Cecil, all other possibilities were deliberately closed off. Because the chaos that the disputed succession of Henri IV had acquired only recently in French republic, the people of both England and Scotland had occasion for gratitude. Cecil's proclamation announced that James was king 'by Law, by Lineal succession, and undoubted Right'. But he was also king past prior system. Pauline Croft, Royal Holloway, University of London Further reading Pauline Croft, Rex James was published in paperback by Palgrave Macmillan in November 2002 (0 333613 96 i, price £14.99) | |||
| The 400th anniversary of Elizabeth I's expiry and the accession of James 6 & I marks interesting times for the study of the two reigns, with traditional forms - political, legal and biographical histories - vying with more than interdisciplinary, culturally-rooted accounts for shelf infinite. The history of the Elizabethan and Jacobean periods is populated with memorable figures, non least the monarchs themselves, and biographical approaches have always loomed large in the historiography. Iii recent works that attempt to re-appraise the 'storied reputations' as their reviewer John Cramsie puts it, are Pauline Croft's Rex James (Palgrave, 2003), Alan Stewart'south The Cradle King: a Life of James VI and I (Chatto and Windus, 2003), and Carole Levin'southward The Reign of Elizabeth I (Palgrave, 2002). Biographical traditions and traditional source textile, however unreliable it might be, accept influenced the reception of Elizabeth I and James VI & I in sharply opposing ways, and Cramsie's review suggests that whilst revisionist studies have contributed to a more than sympathetic reappraisal of James I's reign in particular, the dismal business relationship of his kingship that characterised earlier 'toxic treatments', can yet shape modern historical portraits. Elizabeth I's continuing popularity is such that she ranked among the acme ten 'Groovy Britons' in the 2002 BBC poll. Explanations for this longevity, and the ways in which this appetite for the 'Virgin Queen' was fed by literature, art and myth in the decades and centuries following 1603 are ventured in two recent books: The Myth of Elizabeth, edited by Susan Doran and Thomas S. Freeman (Palgrave, 2003) and England's Elizabeth: an Afterlife in Fame and Fantasy, by Michael Dobson and Nicola Watson (OUP, 2002). Chapter 7 of Susan Doran's England's Elizabeth, 'Virginity, Divinity and Power: the Portraits of Elizabeth I' is available here. Download sample chapter In his review of Levin's account of Elizabeth's reign, Cramsie notes that the themes of 'organized religion, marriage and succession' boss - a domination reflected in other recent works. The transformation of England and Wales into a Protestant kingdom was however in its infancy at the start of Elizabeth's reign, and was by no means complete at the end of James's. Elizabeth'south ambivalence about the necessary extent of religious reformation certainly plays a large role in this uneasy transition. In reviewing a work that focuses on one of Elizabeth's 'hotter' Protestant subjects, William Harrison (M.J.R. Parry, A Protestant Vision: William Harrison and the Reformation of Elizabethan England (Loving cup, 2002 [1987])), Andrew Hadfield argues that it is just through exploring the aspirations and frustrations of a Protestant radical similar Harrison, and through appreciation of the ' close relationship betwixt religion, politics and historical writing', axiomatic in the work of a human being like Harrison, that a fuller understanding of Tudor and Elizabethan intellectual culture can exist reached. The consequences of religious upheaval in both the spiritual and legal arenas during Elizabeth's reign, and exploration of the roots of Elizabethan failure to sustain a religiously 'mixed polity' in the reign of her father, are features of John Guy's piece of work, nerveless in the book of essays, Politics, Law and Counsel in Tudor and Early Stuart England (Ashgate, 2000). Equally the reviewer Christopher Brooks notes, 'Guy'southward view of English language political development eschews any model of progressive linear development beyond the later sixteenth and seventeenth centuries', and asserts that Elizabeth's management of her counsellors and churchmen, both liberal and radical, particularly in the last 2 decades of her reign, laid some of the grounds for ceremonious war in the next century. Other aspects of the Elizabethan 'mixed polity' accept been explored by historians: notably the reception and perception of immigrants into England. This 'highly emotive topic', every bit the reviewer Nigel Goose calls it, is the field of study of Laura Hunt Yungblut'due south book, Strangers Settled Here Among Us - Policies, Perceptions and the Presence of Aliens in Elizabethan England (Routledge, 1996). While Goose is sceptical that Yungblut'southward volume sheds whatever new light on the conventional foci of work on aliens -- their demographic presence, levels of xenophobia against them and their socio-economical contribution to English gild -- he nonetheless concludes that it 'can only serve to depict attention to the opportunities that notwithstanding exist for more detailed research into alien immigration … for both sources and topics for further exploration are clearly available in abundance'. Elizabeth's failure to marry and to produce the necessary Tudor heir, and the succession crisis this fuelled, has also attracted the attention of historians, both in terms of how the crisis was managed and the Stuart dynasty installed without mortality (see Pauline Croft'due south introduction above); and more generally, in how early modern governments handled the uncertainties of dynastic stability and disruption (whether through natural or unnatural causes). As Robert Oresko notes in his review of Howard Nenner's volume, The Right to exist King: The Succession to the Crown of England. 1603-1714 (Macmillan, 1995), James I and Six's 'tenacious adherence' to his 'indefeasible hereditary right' to exist male monarch, indisputably shaped Stuart destiny on the English language and, as importantly, Scottish thrones. Indeed, as Nenner acknowledges in his response, 'the problem of monarchical succession in Stuart England was not sui generis' in early modern continental Europe; nor is information technology without relevance in contemporary England, where the longevity of yet some other Elizabeth, and debate well-nigh the suitability of adhering to a straightforward dynastic descent, means that the succession question is far from just being merely academic. Special reader discounts are available on selected titles in the Bibliography | ||||
| Elizabeth and James on the Web There are surprisingly few high quality websites presenting resources for the study of Tudor and Stuart history, allow alone offer data about Elizabeth, James or the succession. Those that there are accept in many cases been created to mark the very ceremony historic in this consequence of History in Focus. For the study of Tudor history more often than not, including the reign of Elizabeth, the splendid Tudor England 1485 to 1603 is a very good starting indicate, offering a range of royal biographies, master sources, general resource, bibliographies and links. Other sites, such every bit Elizabeth's pirates and Print and censorship in Elizabethan order offer an insight into more than specific areas of sixteenth-century life. Elizabeth herself is the subject of a number of sites, ranging from The National Archives' The Great Seal of Elizabeth, which uses the seal as an entry point into a wider study of the reign, to the National Maritime Museum's comprehensive Elizabeth, which arises out of the exhibition to mark the 400th anniversary of Elizabeth'due south death and James'south succession. For the succession itself, The Union of the Crowns, 1603-2003 focuses primarily on the Stuart dynasty, simply provides a skillful general background to the centuries of conflict between England and Scotland leading up to Elizabeth'southward decease. For James Half dozen and I, i assisting route of study lies in those resource provided for the Gunpowder Plot in 1605, every bit on the website of The Gunpowder Plot Order, or the BBC's What if the Gunpowder Plot had succeeded? | ||||
| Acknowledgements The Institute of Historical Research is grateful to the National Maritime Museum for permission to reproduce 3 of the images included in these pages. | ||||
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In England, after the decease of Lord Burghley in 1598, his son Sir Robert Cecil was the queen's principal secretary of country and nigh influential privy councillor. Essex's rebellion convinced Cecil that the succession must be settled earlier Elizabeth'due south death. It was too risky to go out the matter open, since further tumults could destabilise both England and Scotland. In April 1601 James sent 2 envoys southward, to repair the damage in relations caused by Essex'southward defection, and Cecil indicated his willingness to co-operate. An substitution of letters began, but a surreptitious correspondence with a foreign monarch was a treasonable offence. Cecil was risking his career and perhaps his life, and then the letters were partly encoded; Cecil was '10', Elizabeth was '24', James was 'xxx'. The rex was reassured by his new-establish alliance with the secretary and promised that he would not aim for the English throne except through his firm amity with the queen. He put aside any thoughts of intervention and Cecil ensured that a substantial increase was added to the English alimony which James already received. Elizabeth wrote to him in May 1601, indicating he would get an extra �two,000 per annum, but that these 'offices of extraordinary charge and kindness' would only continue while they were 'both thankfully accepted and and sincerely requited and deserved'. Information technology seems probable that she understood that Cecil was negotiating with James. Even though Elizabeth refused to admit him openly, he was her nigh suitable heir and in her letters she addressed him equally 'dearest blood brother and cousin'.
As the reviewer Anne McLaren observes, if the 'overt political significance' of the identification of Elizabeth as England embodied has faded, the multiple cultural resonances of Gloriana are still powerful, fifty-fifty in their virtually 'brazenly fictitious' forms (for example, Blackadder). Despite differences in approach, McLaren recommends both books for exploring perceptions of Elizabeth'southward person (as a woman) and related personifications (as virgin, as England, amongst many others) in relation to wider concerns near gender and power, and towards Englishness (and Britishness).
What Happened After Queen Elizabeth 1 Died
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